Recent murder of a young Sindhi man in Hyderabad by an Afghan refugee has stirred a debate over social media. While there were reports of some forceful closures of the shops owned by Afghan refugees in parts of Sindh, there were no reports of any violence in the province. However, next day there was a protest at Sohrab Goth by the “unidentified” people for “unidentified” reasons. The protest turned bloody and two more people were killed while criminals snatched valuables from the people and pelted stones on the vehicles. The criminals also snatched official weapons from the traffic police. This loot and plunder continued for several hours without any interference from the local police or rangers.
Later, many so-called human right activists, bloggers, journalists and academics accused Sindhis for being racist when they were calling for the return of Afghan refugees to their home country. This did not stop here; marathon twitter spaces were run where the host having a verified twitter account claimed that Karachi was part of the princely state of Kalat until 1993. PTM also convened a jirga where it was claimed that Sindhis are afraid of their hard work and therefore demanding the exodus of illegal immigrants. Karachi was compared with Dubai without mentioning once that the people working in Dubai have never killed any native Arab. Suffice is to say that people having absolutely no knowledge of the geography and history of Sindh did a lot of hate mongering for the very land that has embraced refugees with open arms since 1947.
Sindhis have earlier voiced their concerns on the issuance of fake domiciles to the non-residents. It has come to the fore that people not native to the province have secured admissions in Sindh’s universities and have also bagged government jobs on fake domiciles. While the Government of Sindh announced that a committee has been formed to probe the matter of fake domiciles, but so far, the committee has failed to share any findings with the public. Whereas, the United Nations Declaration on the rights of indigenous people categorically states that states shall provide effective mechanisms for prevention of any action that is aimed at depriving them of their ethnic identity, cultural values, dispossessing them of their lands and resources, any form of forced assimilation, any form of forced population transfer to violate and undermine their rights, and any form of propaganda to incite racial or ethnic discrimination against them.
Keeping in view the UN’s declaration on the rights of indigenous people, the rights of indigenous people of Sindh have been badly violated. When Sindhi was declared as official language of Sindh, ethnic violence started which only stopped when Urdu was also declared as the official language of the province. Urdu newspapers protested by publishing “Urdu ka janaza hai” when Sindhi was declared as official language of Sindh province. Not only this, Sindh’s capital was forcefully moved to Hyderabad after dismissing the government of Ayub Khuhro’s government eight months after partition. University of Sindh was forcefully moved from Karachi to Hyderabad. Private housing societies have robbed the local villagers of their ancestral land. Not to forget that Sindh’s two elected prime ministers were mercilessly killed while Sindhis are still waiting for the implementation of the 18th amendment in its true spirit.
While there is a significant work of scholarship on the migration of Muslims from India and the hardships they faced along the way. It is saddening to see how conveniently the changing demography of Sindh has always been ignored. The deliberate ignorance of the media and textbooks of the locals opening their hearts and homes for the migrants has resulted into a generation claiming “migration as a sacrifice while conveniently ignoring the sacrifice of those who shared their home”.
Sindhis today are feeling alienated in their own homeland. The youth of Sindh wants to know the reason why the Supreme Court’s doors are shut for the Sindhi speaking judges, why illegal immigrants are not being sent to their home countries, why people living in Sindh and using its resources are calling this land “matrooka”, why formation of “Karachi Committee” was proposed, why it is okay for other provinces to work under an ordinance but when it comes to Sindh a Local Government Bill passed by the Sindh Assembly is unacceptable, why the peacefully protesting teachers and nurses are dealt with iron hand by the police but the same police stood as a silent spectator when two people were killed at Sohrab Goth, why domiciles and CNICs are being issued to the non-residents. Almost all the articles specified in the UN’s rights of the indigenous people have been violated in Sindh. Until the Sindhi youth gets the answers of all these questions, we cannot call them racist. As such, according to the UN resolution the ones who ghettoize and limit the options of local population are racist.
The Bai Puribai Becharbhai and Becharbhai Raichand Blocks at NED’s City Campus | Courtesy the writer
According to a joke commonly shared online, South Asian children have three potential career options. They can either become doctors, engineers or disappointments to their parents. The joke is shared in Pakistan and India alike. And, indeed, it resonates across borders.
There is little wonder why this is. Doctors and engineers are some of the most respected professionals in our part of the world. And thousands of graduates take up these professions every year. According to the Pakistan Engineering Council, today, Pakistan has 385 accredited engineering programmes. One hundred and one of these programmes are in Sindh.
This was not always the case. According to The NED Experience (2017), in the late 19th century, Sindh was so underdeveloped that it was referred to as the “valley of darkness” in some documents. The advancement of engineering practice and education has in no small measure played an important role in pulling the province out of this “darkness”.
NED University of Engineering and Technology, a public sector university that has produced many prolific minds, turns 100 this year. It seems like the perfect opportunity to take a look back and celebrate the history of engineering education in the province, and reflect on how we can regain our glorious past.
DOWN MEMORY LANE
‘The NED boys with the car they have made out of junk’ | From ‘The NED Experience’ (2019)
Karachi was declared the capital of Sindh by Sir Charles Napier in the 1840s, when the British began developing it from a small fishing village into the principal port for the Indus River region. Surprisingly, at the time there were no rail and road links connecting Karachi with the other parts of Sindh.
Hence, the early 1840s witnessed the launch of a river-steamer service up the River Indus until Multan. Eventually, a ferry service was also started from Kotri to the upper parts of Sindh and Punjab. The ferry service warranted the construction of the Kotri Bridge and the Rohri Bridge, which acted as the forerunners of engineering works in Sindh.
These development projects are an integral part of the history of engineering education in Sindh. While these projects were envisioned and built by the British, locals were needed to oversee them and their maintenance. To fulfil this need, according to The NED Experience, an “Engineering Branch”, affiliated with the University of Bombay, was established in Hyderabad. “The classes covered fundamentals of constructions and civil engineering, and did not lead to any diploma,” Humayoun Jawaid Ahmed writes in The NED Experience.
The Hyderabad Engineering Branch would eventually move to Karachi and become part of the Dayaram Jethamal College — commonly known as DJ College — in Karachi, which had been striving to develop technical education in Sindh. As per The NED Experience, in 1887, when the first principal of DJ College, Dr Mullineux R Walmsley, arrived in Sindh from England, he was very disappointed at the state of affairs. He wrote the following to the College Committee:
“…Mr Kirkham certainly led me to believe, in London, that the position of the Technical Education in Sindh was much more forward than appears to be the case. I cannot therefore help feeling very much disappointed at finding it in the very embryonic state…”
‘First year students of the NED Girls College working in the college workshop | From ‘The Ned Experience’ (2019)
Unsurprisingly, Dr Walmsley stayed in Pakistan for only a year before returning to England. After his departure, Dr Moses John Jackson assumed charge as the principal of DJ College in early 1888.
The Hyderabad Engineering Branch was transferred to Karachi shortly after he became the principal of the college, named DJ Sindh Arts College at the time (now DJ Sindh Government Science College), located back then on Bunder Road (now MA Jinnah road).
The DJ College building was completed in the next five years. In 1893, the college was moved from Bunder Road to its current location. The ground floor of the newly founded DJ College was reserved for the engineering school.
Dr Jackson, along with his dedicated staff, worked tirelessly to develop the engineering programme and set very high standards. As per a former student of Dr Jackson, quoted in The NED Experience, the professor clearly had a special place in his heart for the engineers. He would affectionately refer to them as “my engineers”. And during combined classes with the arts students, he would not begin class until “his engineers” came in.
“Yet, he was very strict with us…” the former student goes on, adding that, when he joined the engineering course, he was one of 21 students. “We dwindled down to 10 by the time we sat for our Preliminary [exams]. Two of us were not certified, and of the eight who were allowed to sit for the Annual [exam], two were plucked and six were asked to re-appear for a special test, in subjects in which we had obtained two or three marks less or more than the number required. And after all that, only one of us was promoted and all the rest were declared to have failed.”
The engineering school was not a degree/diploma awarding institute at the time.
After tireless efforts for years, this engineering branch of DJ Sindh College was upgraded to an engineering college and then to a full-fledged engineering university.
THE ESTABLISHING OF NED
A portrait of Mr Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw
In the early 20th century, 11 years and three principals after Dr Jackson, Mr S C Shahani took charge as the principal of DJ Sindh College. Mr Shahani pushed to get the engineering branch upgrade to a degree-awarding institute.
In 1921, when the Prince of Wales visited, the citizens of the province collected a sum of 53,000 rupees to commemorate his visit. Principal Shahani secured these funds and they were used to set up a new college named the Prince of Wales Engineering College, established under the management of Sindh Collegiate Association — a registered society of subscribers providing higher education in Sindh.
Mr Shahani continued striving to get engineering degree classes started, to cater to the demand for civil engineers for the Sukkur Barrage project.
Mr Jamshed Nusserwanjee Mehta, who was the first elected mayor of Karachi and commonly known as ‘the maker of modern Karachi’, took a keen interest in Mr Shahani’s endeavours, and decided to extend his support for the project. He contacted the heirs of Mr Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw, a prominent Karachi-based businessman and philanthropist, and requested them for a donation. A donation of 150,000 rupees (a significant amount at the time) was secured and soon a Deed of Trust was signed between the Sindh Collegiate Association and Mr Dinshaw’s heirs.
Hoshang Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw, Faredoon Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw, Dinshaw Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw and Minocher Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw signed the deed in December 1924. Considering the family’s generous support, it was decided that the college be renamed after Mr Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw (NED).
The university still values the initial donation of the Dinshaws, and to recognise their contributions, NED University has reserved seats for the candidates nominated by the Dinshaw family. The Dinshaws have also continued supporting the institution.
An archival photo of Sukkur Barrage; some of the earliest students of NED worked on the project | White Star
AFFILIATION WITH UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAY
The NED College remained associated with the University of Bombay for several years. But this affiliation was not easy to establish, as indicated by the following passage from D.J. College’s Golden Jubilee Book (1887 – 1937):
The University [of Bombay] did not accept this arrangement, and laid down other conditions which seemed incapable of fulfilment. Principal Shahani waged an epic fight to get his Engineering College recognised, and came near to losing it. There was a time when he, in despair, thought of applying for affiliation to the Banaras Hindu University instead.
The initial application was rejected due to insufficient funds. The University of Bombay also required the engineering college in Sindh to have separate buildings and laboratories, instead of sharing them with the rest of DJ College.
As mentioned above, donations by the Dinshaws and funds from the Prince of Wales ‘welcome fund’ went a long way in setting up the new college. Vishindas Brothers, another prominent family, also donated 40,000 rupees. And Mr Mehta secured additional donations from the Puribai and Becharbai Trust, which went towards the construction of the college’s main ‘drawing hall’.
Later, in 1944, the Hindustan Construction Company built a new academic block, housing two classrooms and the metallurgy laboratory. The company donated 44,000 rupees for this academic block.
One still feels the presence of this history at NED campuses — commemorative plaques and other reminders of how the citizens of Sindh helped establish engineering education in the region surround one.
Finally, in May 1923, the NED College was provisionally granted affiliation by the University of Bombay for first and second year courses in civil engineering. Seventy-eight students were provisionally admitted into first year classes.
This was followed by permanent affiliation in February 1927. The NED College remained affiliated with the University of Bombay until 1947. Following Partition, the college was taken over by the Government of Sindh and renamed the NED Government Engineering College.
The college was affiliated with the University of Sindh from 1947 till 1951, until the affiliation was transferred to the University of Karachi (KU) after KU was established in 1951.
As the city continued to grow, and the ‘City Campus’ became too congested, a comprehensive plan was devised in 1964 to move the college to its present location on University Road. The World Bank’s assistance played an instrumental role in this. The bank provided 118 million rupees for the relocation to the main campus in 1975.
Finally, on March 1, 1977, the NED Government Engineering College was granted the status of an engineering university.
Muhammad Hussain Panhwar, an alumnus of NED and a renowned scientist in the field of agriculture, once wrote to NED college’s principal Mr Kewalramani: “Here I am from a poor college of a poor country and poorly equipped, but with [an] excellent syllabus and devoted and hardworking teachers, that I dare say that our standards of education are much higher than those in [the] USA.” Mr Kewalramani would read this letter at annual functions with utmost pride and satisfaction.
Mr Panhwar’s batch was initially enrolled with the University of Bombay but, after Partition, they were enrolled with the University of Sindh for a year and a half. He was awarded a Bachelor of Engineering (Mechanical) degree by the University of Sindh in 1949.
NED TODAY
Main campus | Courtesy NED University
From an enrolment of 78 students in 1923, the student population has now risen to nearly 7,000, both at undergraduate and postgraduate levels. The university has three campuses in Karachi and one campus in Thar. The Government of Sindh had recently allocated 300 acres of land for the construction of a state-of-the-art campus at Thar. The Thar Institute of Engineering Science and Technology was established with the aim of providing quality engineering education to the locals in the area. Classes started at the Thar campus in 2020.
NED now offers engineering degrees in 19 different fields; the university houses nine Bachelor of Science programmes and also offers an undergraduate degree in architecture. Apart from the undergraduate programmes, NED University is also running its masters and PhD programmes in six faculties. And the university has 23 research centres focusing on research in fields such as artificial intelligence, cyber security, traffic analytics, affordable housing and renewable energy.
BEYOND NED
After Partition, the need for establishing more engineering institutes was felt strongly. To fulfil this need, in 1962, the federal government established the Dawood Engineering College in Karachi. The foundation stone of this college was laid by the then President of Pakistan, General Ayub Khan.
The college was established by the Dawood Foundation under the supervision of Seth Ahmed Dawood in 1964. The college was granted the status of a university in 2013. The Dawood University of Engineering and Technology now offers bachelors, masters and PhD programmes in different engineering fields.
Keeping in view the growing need of engineers in the province, an engineering college — the Sindh University Engineering College — was also established in Jamshoro in 1963. The college was later renamed the Mehran University of Engineering and Technology, and an additional campus was built in Nawabshah. In 1996, this constituent college of Mehran University at Nawabshah became the Quaid-e-Awam University of Engineering Science and Technology. Mehran University, besides offering undergraduate and postgraduate programmes, has established some quality research centres.
The absence of any public engineering university in the north of Sindh was also addressed by the government when a Mehran University campus was established in Khairpur. The Quaid-e-Awam University of Engineering Science and Technology (Quest) also established a campus in Larkana in 2009 to provide engineering education to the students from northern Sindh. However, there is a shortage of PhD qualified faculty in this campus.
Apart from public sector universities, many private universities are also offering degree programmes in different fields of engineering. However, the Sir Syed University of Engineering and Technology is the only dedicated private engineering university in Sindh.
MAINTAINING STANDARDS
A Bachelor of Engineering degree awarded to Mr Hari Gurdinomal Daryani, a noted Sindhi writer and one of the earliest students at NED, by the University of Bombay in 1943 | Courtesy Mr Ram Daryani
University campuses around Sindh have provided students across the province easier access to an engineering education but, unfortunately, not all of it is quality education.
Since 2017, Pakistan has been a signatory of the Washington Accord — a multilateral agreement between bodies responsible for the accreditation or recognition of tertiary-level engineering qualifications. The benefit of having a degree accredited by the Pakistan Engineering Council (PEC) under the Washington Accord is that Pakistani engineering degrees are considered of the same high standard as degrees awarded in any developed country.
In accordance with the accord, PEC has made some mandatory changes to the teaching methodology, and set standards for accreditation purposes. Unfortunately, not all universities are able to meet these standards.
Only a few months ago, it was reported that programmes offered at the Quest Larkana campus are not being accredited by PEC. Students there claim that the university stretches the programme to six years in absence of accreditation of the programme by PEC. Quest Larkana is not the only engineering university struggling to get accreditation for its programmes under the Washington Accord. Neither is accreditation the only problem facing engineering education today.
Although universities have been churning out a large number of engineers every year, we do not see much noteworthy work being carried out by the graduates. The simplest comparison can be made with the Sukkur Barrage, where the local engineers worked, and the shoddy structures and projects that have been built in recent times.
This does not mean that Pakistan is not producing good engineering graduates. Indeed, when many of our graduates go abroad for higher education, they excel. But they do not feel similarly inspired and challenged here. When they are out in the field in Pakistan, they see that cutting corners is considered being street-smart here, and have to unlearn much of their education in order to survive in the ‘real’ world.
A GLORIOUS PAST, A BRIGHT FUTURE?
M H Panhwar, the renowned agriculturist of Pakistan and an early graduate of NED Engineering College, once wrote, “The standards of Bombay University came to my notice when I looked at the examination paper and textbooks used in Cambridge, and found that the syllabus and textbooks at the two universities were the same, and many question papers of the Bombay University examinations were repetitions from Cambridge University examinations.”
But today, while exceptions still exist, the standard of engineering education has significantly declined in Sindh. This can be gauged from the fact that none of the universities from the province made it to the QS World Universities Ranking 2021 — a list of the top 1,000 universities around the world, ranked by Quacquarelli Symonds, which describes itself as the largest international education network in the world.
With the presence of political parties, campuses have witnessed the worst kind of violence in the 73-year history of Pakistan. Issues of campus security go beyond just engineering colleges and universities.
More recently, there has been the undeniable threat of radicalisation. Earlier this year, a student at an engineering university was arrested on suspicion of having links with militants of the so-called Islamic State. Along with all the other challenges, it has become increasingly difficult for university administrations to monitor elements that can radicalise and influence young impressionable minds.
There are no simple solutions to these grave concerns.
While the academy should, ideally, be a safe space where students can explore and learn, campuses do not exist in a vacuum. They represent the societies and times in which they stand. In the late 19th century, when Sindh was developing, these campuses represented the future; they represented hope; they represented development. Today, they are, largely, a picture of neglect; remnants of a bygone era.
But, perhaps, they also represent hope.
Despite having limited budgets for research, Sindh’s engineering institutes and universities have made significant progress in research publications. Although the quality of research is not at par with international standards yet, the progress is encouraging nonetheless.
The industry-academia linkage remains low, especially in those universities which are in the far flung areas of the province. Universities need to focus on developing stronger links. It is also important for the teachers to promote critical thinking in students in order to make them self-directed and lifelong learners. Promoting rote learning only results in disinterest in the students, and discourages them from exploring different possibilities.
These students are part of a rich tradition of engineering education in the province. These young minds, if inspired and given the right opportunities, will be the harbingers of change and bring their province, and country, out of ‘darkness’ — in the same way those before them did over a century ago.
Acknowledgements: The author is thankful to Dr Dur Muhammad Pathan from Gul Hayat Institute, Ram Daryani, Hiro Thakur and Dr Sarosh Hashmat Lodi (Vice Chancellor NED University) for providing access to historical documents
The article was published with minor changes in The Rise News
In the last few weeks, Karachi witnessed unprecedented torrential rains. As if the flooded streets and choked drainage systems were not enough for the residents of Karachi, the racist attacks on Sindhis were systematically carried out by different individuals and media houses. The impact of media attacks can be gauged from the fact that one of the DHA residents compared her locality with Mohenjo-daro and another resident blamed Sindhis (calling them incompetent villagers) for the flooded DHA streets. The slogans of DHA residents speak volumes about their ignorance regarding Indus Valley Civilization and their myopic view of Sindh. In the aftermath of rains a well-planned propaganda, targeting Sindh and Sindhis was initiated on different levels. So much so that the prime minister went on to say that “people from rural areas of Sindh rule Karachi”. Going by our prime minister’s definition, Punjab’s chief minister should be from Lahore, Balochistan’s from Quetta and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s from Peshawar.
This is not the first time that Sindh or Sindhi culture have been attacked by the ruling party. Earlier, Dr. Shahbaz Gill mocked Bilawal Bhutto for wearing an Ajrak pattern mask comparing Mr. Bhutto with the calves whose mouths are tied with a colorful cloth to restrict their milk intake. While Dr. Gill was busy with his mimicry of calves and Bilawal Bhutto, the host and other guests kept chuckling and none intervened. Prior to this, former president of Pakistan Mr. Asif Ali Zardari was also denounced for choosing to wear a Sindhi cap on his foreign tours.
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People clearly states that any propaganda directed against the culture of indigenous people, imposition of assimilation by other cultures imposed on them by legislative or administrative measures, any action aimed at dispossessing them of their land or resources or any action aimed at depriving them of their distinct cultural values and identities; must be prevented. However, despite being the signatory to this Declaration, cultural genocide continues unabated targeting not only Sindhis, but people from other provinces. Lately, a federal lawmaker raised an issue and criticized a private TV channel wherein Pakhtuns were shown as terrorists and “Naswar” addicts. Such kind of television programs and newspaper articles satirizing cultures create a divide between the masses and brainwashes them against other cultures. On different occasions Pakistani television serials show the dacoits wearing Ajrak, a pickpocket on Karachi streets with Lyari accent and terrorists from North. It is interesting to note that while dramas with the theme of rape, drugs and murder are often censored, but no TV drama promoting hatred against a culture is banned or censored.
This cultural genocide is not a new phenomenon in Pakistan. How conveniently the cultural diversity of Pakistan has been marginalized can be judged by reading the script of a few school textbooks. For example, several textbooks state that “Urdu” is the language of Muslims. Little do they understand that more than ninety percent of Pakistan’s population does not speak Urdu as their mother tongue, however, the language is continued to be taught in schools as such. Likewise, we have often seen how Punjabi elites have discouraged their children from communicating in their mother tongue so as to prove them as good Muslims and patriotic Pakistanis.
It has also been noticed that some of the educational institutions have barred the students from communicating in their mother tongue and in certain cases involving in any cultural activity. There is a dire need to understand the reasons underpinning the hostility towards cultural diversity. The study of different textbooks has shown that Muslims and Hindus had a separate culture. The text taught in our schools did not take into consideration the cultural diversity of Pakistan thereby linking the culture with religion. The textbooks have associated Muslims with the ones wearing Shalwar Kameez and communicating in Urdu. The obvious sequel to such a teaching, has produced a generation little tolerant to cross cultures and repulsive to their practices – destroying century’s old Buddha statues, mocking millennia old Ajrak, and branding peaceful citizens as terrorists due to their ethnicity, are few such examples.
The journalistic ethics call for exercising restraint and showing empathy towards their viewers while airing programmes covering divergent topics. The remarks made by Dr. Gill hurt the feelings of all Pakistanis irrespective of their ethnicity. Many tweeted in solidarity with the hashtag AjrakIsOurPride. The response from the others present in the show was quite disappointing as they never reacted to such an attitude displayed by a government functionary. At the same time the anchor and other journalists in the show cannot be absolved of their indifference to host and moderate a programme that affected the sensitivities of scores of viewers.
While mocking Sindhis for choosing to promote their culture, they have conveniently ignored the rich history and culture of Sindh. The first translation of Quran was in Sindhi and Islam spread in the subcontinent through Sindh being regarded as “Bab-ul-Islam”. The Sindh Assembly was the first to pass the resolution in favour of Pakistan in 1938 presented by G.M. Syed and other Sindhi leaders. By this account the people of Sindh therefore do not need to adopt a fake identity to prove themselves better Muslim and a patriotic Pakistani. After almost 25 years of independence, Sindhi language was declared as the provincial language of Sindh on 4th July 1972. The media publications like “Urdu ka janaza hai” and mocking Sindhi Ajrak, has played a more divisive role, created miscommunication and barriers than promote healthy literature. Some of the media houses have played a historic role in creating a divide by branding supporters of ethnic and provincial identity as leftists, anti-Islam and anti-Pakistan. Instead of promoting divergent cultures as strength of Pakistan some of the media programs have alienated the people rather than integrate.
It’s high time to initiate an intercultural dialogue where people from diverse cultural backgrounds are given a platform to share their views, acknowledge difference and promote cultural diversity. For example, artisans exchange among provinces, celebrating traditional holidays and festivals are some instances of creating awareness and acceptance. International student exchange programs where students from Pakistan go abroad and stay in the host country is a perfect example of cross cultural learning and increasing their sensitivity to cultural differences. A similar program can be replicated at the country level where students from one province can study one semester in a university outside their province. These kinds of programs will help youth to learn about different cultures besides teaching traits of tolerance, living in diversity and equity and integrating through friendships. At the same time, school textbooks also need to be revisited to incorporate text that creates awareness, inclusiveness and increase cultural literacy so that different perspectives are valued and embraced. Also, history education about the struggle and sacrifices of our heroes like Hemu Kalani, Bhagat Singh, Rooplo Kolhi, Hosh Muhammad Sheedi, etc. can help in social reconstruction and the formation of cultural and national identity.
During these trying times when Pakistan is fraught with multiple challenges like FATF, Kashmir policy, COVID-19, floods, flour and sugar crisis we cannot afford to have a nation divided on the lines of gender, race sexuality or culture. This is the time to unite, acknowledge differences to bring people together and bridge the cultural gap. Let’s give culture a chance this time!
RECENTLY, a young woman led a rally in Hyderabad demanding the restoration of student unions. It is not a new concept, yet a generation of youth has grown up without having witnessed a student welfare campaign steered by student unions.
The power of student unions can be gauged from the fact that French president Charles de Gaulle called for new elections due to massive student and teacher protests. In the US, protests by students against the Vietnam War played a significant role in swaying public opinion.
In Pakistan, unfortunately, student unions have come to be associated with political violence on campuses. This was not so in the past when universities across the country used to have very active and vibrant student unions. The Muslim Students Federation, a student wing of the All India Muslim League, played an important role in the Pakistan Movement. Even after Partition, the country witnessed significant events with regard to the demonstration of students’ politics of resistance. Had the students not protested valiantly against the Ayub Khan regime, it would have been unlikely that he would have resigned.
Acknowledging their power in being able to affect national politics, Gen Ziaul Haq banned student unions. However, Jamaat-i-Islami’s student wing, the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba, continued to flourish and was later linked to violence and lethal weapons on university campuses across Pakistan. While it is widely believed that the presence of student unions brings violence on campuses, the very fact that violence keeps on erupting in universities, despite a ban on student unions, negates that notion.
Our political parties often thrive on hereditary and feudal politics. The ban on unions during prolonged periods of dictatorships has made students apolitical. It has also left representatives of the middle and the lower-middle class without an avenue to learn the nuances of politics and become a part of the political process. This vacuum is reflected in the current political setup, whereas history is replete with examples of students from middle class families entering national politics through student unions: Jahangir Badar, Liaquat Baloch and Ahsan Iqbal are a few such names.
There is an underlying fear with regard to the restoration of student unions — instead of engaging in issue-based politics, unions may toe the line of some political party. There have been cases in the recent past where students have joined militant outfits or have been lured into committing violence by party bigwigs. However, what should be kept in mind is that, while it is essential for the authorities to maintain a peaceful atmosphere on campuses, banning student unions has not yielded any results to curb violence.
Several harassment cases have also surfaced in universities, with the most significant one stemming from the University of Balochistan where hidden CCTV cameras were being used to record students’ private activities. The footage was then used by members of the university administration to blackmail female students. There were widespread protests by students after the incident surfaced.
In harassment cases like these, it is often observed that there is little unity among students themselves. It stems from not having a platform to discuss and decide on the future course of action in cases where students have been wronged by the university administrations. This inability to group together, discuss and resolve their problems has made students across Pakistan vulnerable to excesses by university administrations, and also political players.
Pakistan has a predominantly younger nation. The youth bulge and its sizable share in the population calls for their political education and an increased awareness to ensure a better democratic future for Pakistan. The first and closest interaction of the youth and democracy can be within university campuses. Student organisations may help students polish their leadership skills.
In a multicultural societies like Pakistan’s where diverse religious and ethnic groups live, the democratic principle of equality forms the basis of any progressive political movement. The representation of students from diverse backgrounds in the student organisations will help them in bridging the gaps between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ while also encouraging unity across people of different ethnicities and religions. This will allow students, and maybe our future political leaders, to make pragmatic decisions instead of ones based on ethnic and religious lines. It is high time to work towards the restoration of student unions by engaging all stakeholders to work for the larger benefit of students and academic institutions.
Gender Violence, Law, and Power in Pakistan – Nafisa Shah
Having been brought up in Sindh, I am accustomed to reading and hearing about honour killings. Although I was raised in Karachi in a liberal environment despite that there are many traditions mentioned in the book which I can relate to. Marriages in sangchatti (exchange of women to settle fued), de wath (exchange marriage), vekro (marriage by sale), trevakro (marriage by involving three couples in three families) etc. are the concepts that I have known since my childhood. During my visits to my hometown I would always come across such marriages. Anyone who doesn’t have a sister to arrange a de wath marriage would either opt for a vekro woman (in my village most of them are from Brohi tribe) or would go for pet likhi diyan (Pledge for pregnancy. Wherein, a man promises to give his first born daughter in marriage to the family of his wife). Having seen marriages where the girls were twenty years older than their husbands or younger, girls marrying old man with mental illness, domestic violence killing women, social alienation in case a woman seeks divorce – this book gives insight to the culture where women are dealt like a commodity. The author has focused on reasons and economics related to Honour Killings in Upper Sindh.
The author is from the influential family of Syeds of Khairpur and was elected as District Nazim in 2001 and later elected as Member of National Assembly. She is currently serving her third term in the National Assembly. This book is her doctoral thesis and the research was carried out in different phases during twenty long years. The book has talked about the contradictions in our society. While it is considered a matter of pride when a man takes a mistress but at the same time a girl from the same family cannot choose her life partner. The book also breaks the popular notion that murder of a woman in the name of honour is natural and instinctive. She has narrated stories where women were killed after much planning. The purpose behind such murders was not honour but they were carried out under the garb of honour in order to achieve other ulterior motives. The author discusses in detail how the violence in form of karo-kari is used for political, social, and economic gains.
The book sheds light on the role of “wali”. Wali is officially the guardian of the women. Mostly in cases of karo-kari women are killed by their close male relatives like father, husband, brother or son. In cases where the accused and the complainant are both closely related, the cases usually close at Razinama or in the reversal of statements by the witnesses. Older women in the family too help men in killing young girls in the name of honour. Besides, it has been discussed how land disputes are settled through accusing someone of adultery. It is interesting to note that the very people who talk about “laws regarding gender based violence” in seminars play the role of a mediator and impose fines both in kind (which may include sangchatti) and in cash. There have been jirgas headed by the police chiefs and judges. Tribal chiefs settling the karo-kari issues have cited the slow and flawed judicial system in people having more faith in the jirga system. The aggrieved parties hurl accusations at each other and fabricate stories in order to get leverage over each other.
The book not only gives lucid account of issues related to karo-kari and the historical perspective of honour killing but it also enhances our knowledge about the lives of women in Upper Sindh by mentioning real case studies. She elaborates how an entire family is affected by a murder in the name of honour. In the end, the author has narrated the stories of those women who were accused of being kari but were somehow able to escape the killings and are now living an “invisible life”. These invisible women, although considered lucky for escaping death, are forced to live a life of anonymity at the shrines of Sufis or Dar-ul-Amans and are deprived of any social status.
The book is coming from someone who belongs to the prominent family of Khairpur and has access to the official documents, police and the local people. The book has given the documentary proof of the FIRs registered and the signed Razinamas. It can therefore be safely said that the book gives the insider’s view of honour killings and its dynamics. The book is not a sensational account of the killings as otherwise published in newspapers but is rather based on arguments in light of the facts and figures.
“Honour Unmasked” has been published by Oxford University Press. Price. Rs. 1150.
Consider it my ignorance that I came to know about Maya Angelou just when she died. I saw thousands of Tweets about her that day. I then decided to read her work. Maya Angelou lived a very difficult yet an inspiring life. She was abandoned by her parents. She lived with her grandmother in Arkansas. She was not a black slave yet she lived in ghettos with minimal facilities. She has narrated many stories of racial discrimination in US in her autobiographies (she has written seven volumes). She was raped by her mother’s boyfriend, was homeless as a teenager, became a mother at the age of 17 (her boyfriend never saw their son), a prostitute to earn livelihood, social activist, author, poet, singer and an academic. Maya, through her writings has broken many taboos. She learnt to live with what we consider the ugly side of the character and despite that she is highly respected. She was invited on President Bill Clinton’s inaugural to recite her poem. Breaking the shackles of black slavery (read defacto) wasn’t easy for her. If I have to summarize her life into one sentence then I would say, “Struggle, thy name is Maya”.
Her poems are reflective of different phases of her life. For example, her poem, “My Arkansas” beautifully describes her feelings as a “Southern Black American”. Another poem “They Went Home” was perhaps written when she was living the life of a prostitute. In this poem she gives voice not just to the prostitutes in every corner of the world but to all those women who have been belied by men. As she remained political wife of Vusumzi Make, she moved to Cairo with him. Her poem “Africa” is an ode to the “dark continent”. One of her most famous poem “Still I Rise” is also part of this book. In this poem she talks with conviction that she will rise despite atrocities against blacks. Maya talks as a mother, daughter, wife, lover, social activist and above all as a human. Every one of you, who wants a reason to be happy and a reason to be yourself must read Maya.
JOHN Marshall, who served as director general of archaeology, excavated the Moenjodaro sight in 1922. He contributed greatly to the excavation of various sights, which include Moenjodaro, Harappa, Sohr Damb, etc.
His official car, a Ford, was on display in a rather shabby garage at Moenjodaro. The car was a 1901 model made in Canada. I visited the museum in 2016 and learnt that the car had been sent for repairs to Karachi on the orders of the then Sindh Minister for Culture, Syed Sardar Ali Shah.
This was heartening news as the car was in a miserable state and needed attention. However, it has been more than two years, but the car has still not been brought back to Moenjodaro Museum. Since it is the property of the museum, the authorities concerned should bring the car back to where it belongs so that the tourists visiting the sight can have a look at it and perhaps take a picture or two with this antique car.
Women may account for half of the world’s population but their representation in parliament was recorded in 2015 at only 22.1%. Two decades earlier, the United Nations’ Fourth World Conference on Women had unanimously signed the Beijing Platform for Action that proposed to raise women representation to 30% in decision-making through affirmative action, public debate and training of women as leaders. Ever since, countries around the world have made significant progress in realising this goal.
Currently, 20% of Pakistan’s parliamentarians are women, with a 17% reserved quota. The participation of women in politics is often led by men’s approval and their perception about women’s role in the political arena. A recent study conducted by Strengthening Participatory organisation with the support of the Australian government highlighted the issues faced by women parliamentarians in Pakistan. The study has probed the prejudices and the attitude of male parliamentarians towards their female counterparts. Sindh, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the National Assembly of Pakistan conducted/piloted the study by interviewing 40 parliamentarians that included 20 respondents from Sindh and 10 each from K-P and the National Assembly. Of these respondents 40% were women legislators.
Currently, 223 women legislators in Pakistan do not conform to the universal standard of ‘critical mass theory’, which necessitates having at least 33% of the total parliamentary seats occupied by women. Nevertheless it has created a considerable mass of women leaders within the political parties, which is hard to ignore in a male-dominated party setup. Pakistan ranked 45th in a list of 145 parliaments with respect to women representation in parliament in 2008, which has dropped to 65thwith 20% women in both houses of parliament. The decline in the number of elected women parliamentarians is blamed on political parties that avoid awarding tickets to women.
At the federal level, out of the 11 parliamentary secretaries appointed by the prime minister in October 2017, only two are women. In the Sindh Assembly, only four committees are chaired by women of 30 standing committees, while out of the nine special assistants to the CM, two are women. The 18-member cabinet does not have a single female minister. In K-P, the deputy speaker of the House is a woman. Three standing committees are chaired by women out of 36. As such, the deputy speaker is chairing two standing committees besides being the only female special assistant to the CM. Out of the 16 parliamentary secretaries in K-P, seven are women.
Despite three terms of comparatively a higher number of women legislators, women parliamentarians are confronted with sexism and misogyny. There have been incidents where women legislators have been harassed on the floor of the House. Of one such incident in the Sindh Assembly a male colleague openly invited a female parliamentarian to “visit his chamber” to get a “satisfactory reply” to her query. Likewise, in 2017 Nighat Orakzai was abused by Shah Farman in the K-P Assembly, where he used an extremely derogatory language against her. Women parliamentarians have been harassed in the National Assembly on different occasions. The use of offensive language against Benazir Bhutto in 1993 by Sheikh Rashid, Shireen Mazari mocked by Khawaja Asif in 2016 and Maulana Fazlur Rehman passing sexist remarks against the PTI women are known to public.
A majority of the male respondents of the study supported the idea of pro-women legislation; however, none of them had ever proposed one during their tenures. In K-P alone, 62% of the male respondents supported the idea of a pro-women legislation provided it was in accordance with Islam and culture. A majority of the women respondents showed concerns regarding non-implementation of the pro-women laws.
A number of women who participated in the study considered their domestic role as a barrier to their political career. The study showed that women do not find any support structure for young as well as single mothers. A majority of women respondents viewed that despite all these odds, women politicians can still perform well in their individual roles as spouses/parent.
While commenting on women’s participation in electoral politics, most of the male legislators considered it difficult for women to enter this highly challenging field owing to their limitations like mobility and social taboos. Some 18% of the male respondents thought that there should be no seats reserved for women, rather they should compete parallel to men in politics.
On the contrary, around 50% of women respondents were of the view that the gender quota should be maintained. They, however, expressed their concerns relating to existence of enabling environment if they returned to the legislatures through directly contested elections. Some 70% participants of the study considered the process of direct elections too demanding in terms of time and effort, and too costly to meet the electoral expenses. It was also interesting to note that while appreciating the challenges confronted by women in the electoral process, male legislators equally vouched for a level playing field in politics. A few of them (4%) endorsed that steps should be taken to facilitate women in election processes.
The gender quota in legislative bodies must continue with necessary improvements in the mode of electing women on reserved seats. Equally important to understand is that an electoral quota in the tickets for general elections must not abruptly replace the reserved seats, as 5% tickets for women agreed for general elections awarded by the political parties, may not necessarily fetch a critical mass of women to the legislative houses.
This year incidents of terrorism in the name of religion by the educated youth drew the attention of many towards growing radicalisation in universities. Incidents of lynching Mashal Khan, Noreen Laghari, a medical student, who was about to blow up a church and in 2015 the attack on Ismaili community by a student of an elite business school are cases in point.
Such a trend doesn’t suggest that universities have been instrumental in nurturing such extreme ideas. However, these incidents do raise concerns about human development experiences of Pakistan’s youth. These also show that education doesn’t prevent militancy. According to the Sindh Counter-Terrorism Department, out of the 500 militants held in Sindh’s jails, 64 hold a master’s degree and 70 a bachelor’s.
The recent incidents have made one thing apparent that madrassas aren’t the only factor leading youth to radicalised ideas. Based on evidence, it is now an accepted fact that Pakistan’s youth is getting radicalised and turning militant in thought and behaviour. The problem isn’t new and has taken decades to grow. During the 1980s the state education went through a change full of Islamic orientation with emphasis on Islamic values while projecting minority faiths as anti-Muslim and hence anti-Pakistan. Ziaul Haq also saw student politics as possible threat to his dictatorial regime. All political parties were banned to function inside universities except the Islami Jamiat-e-Talba. Since it had practically no opposition it managed to sweep the student union elections in 1969, 1970 and 1971 consecutively. Just like the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam it became part of the political process and endorsed violent jihad in select situations. The recently founded political party Milli Muslim League is the political face of Jamaatud Dawa, a banned militant outfit in Pakistan. It is alarming how a banned militant outfit has been allowed to form a political party to take part in mainstream politics. The party will surely recruit youth for running the party affairs which will have a huge negative impact on the educated youth, which believes in democracy and Islam.
The National Action Plan (NAP) calls for registering and monitoring the madrassas, stopping the distribution of extremist literature and blocking the access of banned militant organisations to social media platforms. It is interesting to note how social media has abundantly been used by militants for hate speech and recruitment whereas progressive accounts/webpages have been blocked. NAP has no defined mechanisms as to how the extremist narratives should be countered. There are no clauses which particularly address the issue of stopping extremist groups from working on university campuses.
There is a need to overhaul the systems in the universities by rationalising the courses, academic programmes and the number of students on campus. More importantly, the administration must cleanse the preacher professors and motivational guest speakers brought by the jihadist professors and administrative sympathisers. There is no quick fix. The problem has taken decades to grow and now needs serious efforts to be solved. To stop the growing radicalisation it is important to revamp the entire curricula. The importance of culture and cultural activities should also be instilled in the students. The media should also be engaged in building and promoting a counter-narrative. Above all, political will is needed.
The government has been avoiding taking tough decisions. Organisations like IS are active in the cyberspace for promoting their agenda and recruitment, so collective efforts are required by the government to restrict their activities. Also, it is of utmost importance that the government stops appeasing the religious right as they just did in case of Faizabad dharna. Such appeasement only creates confusion in young minds where they consider that damaging public property, beating police officers and using offensive language is a routine job and will only result in cash rewards or bring praise for being ‘our own brethren’.
THE 2016 Global Gender Gap Report ranked Pakistan as the second worst country in the world for gender equality. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan’s annual report states that violence against women is the most common rights violation. Harmful customary practices; domestic, sexual, psychological and economic violence; and violence against women in the political arena are the main categories of ‘violence against women’ as framed by the National Commission on the Status of Women in 2015. Gender-based violence (GBV) is the term used by the UN and other international organisations.
A recent report, State of Gender-based Violence Response Services in Sindh, aimed at finding how medico-legal services were being provided; how many cases of violence against women were reported to the police; the nature of the cases and police responses; the services provided at shelter homes; and what measures have been taken for the effective implementation of the Domestic Violence Act (DVA), 2013.
GBV response services are being offered and run by government departments at the district and taluka level. Since the 18th Amendment, such services have been devolved and handed over to the provinces. The Sindh Police and the provincial health, women’s development and social welfare departments were engaged for administering detailed ‘key informant interviews’.
GBV survivors are the most important situational analysis participants. Two shelter homes from Karachi and two from Hyderabad were identified for focus group discussions. The shelter homes’ staffs were also put in the category of ‘key informants’. GBV service providers in the private sector were also engaged with to ascertain their role in addressing the issues affecting women in the province.
Key findings from the data highlight weaknesses in Sindh’s GBV response services sector. Until a few months ago, Sindh did not form its Commission on the Status of Women. This left a huge vacuum in policy formulation and devising institutional arrangements for eliminating anti-women crimes. The absence of ‘rules of business’ leaves the DVA unimplemented. The operation gap does not assign clear mandates to any service provider mentioned in the act. The lack of interdepartmental coordination is a barrier in providing relief to an already mentally and physically stressed victim.
It was also observed that the concerned departments had little idea of how the allocated funds should be spent. More than 80 per cent of respondents were not even familiar with GBV-related laws. This lack of understanding among government officials shows their inability to comprehend the complexities of GBV issues. Every department keeps their own records pertaining to GBV. The records are not being used for analysing the current situation, which would help in policy- and decision-making to take corrective measures.
Although police reforms are required to develop and adopt guidelines for handling cases of domestic violence and sexual offences in a discreet, professional manner, where the dignity of women is protected, medical and police department officials are not trained in handling GBV cases. To add, the dearth of female medico-legal staff and police officials intimidates victims.
While medico-legal certificates have to contain the personal information of the survivor, sexual assault history, forensic evidence collection, general examination for injuries and wounds (marks of violence), and examining doctor’s opinion, in practice, medico-legal officers record only very basic information. Medical records prepared by the MLOs lack evidentiary value that proves critical for the survivor during litigation.
Further, the living conditions in shelter homes appear to be very poor. Services related to medical treatment, psychological counselling, legal aid, rehabilitation, security and training are not being offered in government-run shelters, despite adequate budgets.
It is recommended that every department’s mandate with respect to GBV protection should be clearly defined, and the departments’ staff should be trained to effectively handle GBV cases. Provincial departments must develop the skills to prepare gender-sensitive budgeting for responding to practical needs with the required funds and resources. It is important to raise awareness about the law and the services that can be provided.
It is also important to appoint female MLOs at the taluka level to enhance women’s access to protective services in their neighbourhoods. The health department should consider establishing more forensic laboratories to collect immediate forensic evidence in GBV cases. More shelter homes need to be established in all the province’s districts so that the disparity between the number of survivors and available capacity can be addressed.
To achieve this, there needs to be a provincial-level umbrella body — comprising civil society groups, public bodies, legal aid agencies and department representatives — for collective planning and execution of GBV response strategies and action plans.
Shehnila Zardari 